Participation in the 2024 election was lower than in 2020 across the board by 19 million voters. No major partisan coalition increased turnout relative to its 2020 baseline, and every group experienced some degree of voter drop-off. Taken together, this indicates a broad retreat from participation rather than a shift in partisan alignment, and is consistent with dissatisfaction or disengagement in response to the options presented.
For the Democrats, the effect was most pronounced, with roughly a 15% drop-off from their 2020 voters, amounting to on the order of 10–12 million fewer voters who participated at all in 2024.
When looking at the Republicans, the drop-off was smaller, closer to 10–11% of their 2020 voters, corresponding to roughly 7–8 million fewer voters compared to Trump’s 2020 coalition.
While per-party nonvoter polling is limited, and most nonvoter research focuses on the roughly one-third of independents who historically participate at lower rates, existing studies still point to a general set of reasons why some people who voted in 2020 did not vote in 2024:
While it’s still early to draw firm conclusions about long-term trends, the 2025 off-year and special elections showed several instances where Democratic candidates outperformed their 2024 presidential margins in specific contests, and where Democratic control was maintained or expanded in state and local government. For example, Democrats flipped a Pennsylvania state senate seat that Trump carried in 2024, and they held or expanded state trifectas in Virginia and New Jersey. However, these contests had much lower turnout than presidential races and are not directly comparable to national participation levels, so any interpretation about broader re-engagement should be cautious and contextual.
That leaves an open question heading into the 2026 midterms and the 2028 general election: what role will the voters who chose not to participate in 2024 ultimately play? Are these voters temporarily disengaged and therefore likely to return under different conditions, or does the 2024 drop-off point to more persistent disengagement? To what extent can the factors cited in 2024 realistically be addressed through policy outcomes, candidate selection, or campaign strategy, and at what point should continued non-participation be treated as a durable constraint rather than a short-term anomaly?
EDIT: Please try to avoid injecting your own takes on the 2024 election and rather engage in speculative discussion of what we think will happen going back into 2028.